%% This BibTeX bibliography file was created using BibDesk. %% http://bibdesk.sourceforge.net/ %% Created for Imperator at 2012-03-31 18:59:10 +0200 %% Saved with string encoding Unicode (UTF-8) @article{allan_divine_2006, Abstract = {This article examines the ethical and theological universe of the Homeric epics, and shows that the patterns of human and divine justice which they deploy are also to be found throughout the wider corpus of early Greek hexameter poetry. Although most scholars continue to stress the differences between the Iliad and Odyssey with regard to divine justice, these come not (as is often alleged) from any change in the gods themselves but from the Odyssey's peculiar narrative structure, with its focus on one hero and his main divine patron and foe. Indeed, the action of the Iliad embodies a system of norms and punishments that is no different from that of the Odyssey. Values such as justice are shown to be socially constituted in each epic on both the divine and human planes, and each level, it is argued, displays not only a hierarchy of power (and the resulting tensions), but also a structure of authority. In addition, the presentation of the gods in the wider hexameter corpus of Hesiod, the Epic Cycle and the Homeric Hymns is analysed, revealing a remarkably coherent tradition in which the possibility of divine conflict is combined with an underlying cosmic order. Finally, consideration of Near Eastern myths relating cosmic order to justice brings out the distinctiveness of the Greek system as a whole and, in particular, of the way it uses the divine society under Zeus's authority as a comprehensive explanatory model of the world.}, Author = {Allan, William}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:53:58 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {1--35}, Title = {Divine Justice and Cosmic Order in Early Greek Epic}, Volume = {126}, Year = {2006}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{bakewell_agamemnon_2007, Abstract = {The chorus' depiction of Ares as a 'gold-changer of bodies' and trader in precious metals underscores the increased intersection of finances and war in fifth-century Athens. The metaphor's details point to three contemporary developments (in addition to the patrios nomos allusion noted by Fraenkel): the increased conscription of citizens, the institution of pay for military service, and the payment of financial support for war orphans. And as leader of the Delian League, Athens itself resembled the war-god, establishing equivalents between men and money, and profiting from its acceptance of tribute payments in a variety of currencies. Taken together, the metaphor's contemporary dimensions probably had an unsettling effect on the Athenian audience.}, Author = {Bakewell, Geoffrey}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:54:11 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {123--132}, Title = {Agamemnon 437: Chrysamoibos Ares, Athens and Empire}, Volume = {127}, Year = {2007}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{bernsdorff_p._2007, Abstract = {P. Oxy. 4711 (from a papyrus codex of the sixth century {AD)} contains elegiacs with at least three metamorphosis myths {(Adonis}, Asterie, Narcisssus). In this article I argue against the suggestion by (among others) the first editor of this papyrus that the verses might be by Parthenius. I do so by examining the evidence for Parthenian authorship (especially the presumed imitations by Ovid and Gregory of Nazianzus) and by comparing the style of the new piece with what we actually possess of Parthenian poetry (especially with fr. 28 Lightfoot, which might come from the Metamorphoseis). Instead I suggest a late date of composition and would regard the fragments as a collection of thematically arranged διγήματα in verse which are related to the production of progymnasmata in schools.}, Author = {Bernsdorff, Hans}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:53:58 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {1--18}, Title = {P. Oxy. 4711 and the Poetry of Parthenius}, Volume = {127}, Year = {2007}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{biles_celebrating_2007, Abstract = {Although we are fairly well informed about the general organization and important events of the dramatic competitions in Athens, there remain significant gaps in our knowledge on many points of detail. In no place is this more true than with regard to the epinikian celebration honouring members of the victorious performance, about which scarcely any unambiguous testimony has come down to us. This study aims to provide new insights into the problem by demonstrating a connection between the iconography preserved in several sculpted reliefs of the Roman period commonly referred to as Dionysos' visit to Ikarios and the representation of a celebration for poetic victory in Plato's Symposium. Central to the combined testimony of these sources is the ideal of Dionysos' epiphany to the poet in order to acknowledge and honour his victory in person. So identified as an element of victory celebration, related articulations of this imagined moment can then be detected in several additional representations on vases and in Aristophanic comedy, in both of which other independent elements likewise suggest the activation of an epinikian syntax. Practical matters about the celebration still elude us; what we gain, however, is a clearer sense of the religious ideals that were conveyed through these celebrations in connection with the worship of Dionysos, which formed a nucleus for the dramatic festivals.}, Author = {Biles, Zachary}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:54:11 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {19--37}, Title = {Celebrating Poetic Victory: Representations of Epinikia in Classical Athens}, Volume = {127}, Year = {2007}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{brown_pindar_2006, Abstract = {In Pyth. 2.52-5 Pindar describes Archilochus as 'growing fat on dire words of hatred'. This article argues that Pindar portrays Archilochus as a glutton in the manner of iambic invective. A glutton is seen as a person who grows fat at the expense of others, and so fails in the matter of χάρις. In this light, Archilochus, the poet of blame, stands with Ixion in the poem as a negative paradigm, serving as a foil to Pindar's praise of Hieron. Praise is thus placed in a setting that recognizes its opposite: praise is only meaningful when seen in relation to blame. Pindar's poetry is not the product of gluttony; it is a return that offers a necessary recognition of excellence.}, Author = {Brown, Christopher G.}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:54:46 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {36--46}, Title = {Pindar on Archilochus and the Gluttony of Blame (Pyth. 2.52-6)}, Volume = {126}, Year = {2006}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{christesen_xenophons_2006, Abstract = {Xenophon's Cyropaedia can be read as a proto-novel, a biography, or as an essay on leadership or constitutional theory. This article argues that the Cyropaedia can and should also be read as a pamphlet on practical military reform with special relevance to the Spartan state. The inclusion of a series of proposals for the reform of the Spartan army in the Cyropaedia has not heretofore been recognized because Xenophon presented those proposals in the guise of a reform of the Persian army undertaken by Cyrus. There was no historical basis for this part of the Cyropaedia, and there is no trace of a major military reform in either the Greek or the Persian tradition about Cyrus as it existed before Xenophon. Cyrus' military reform was thus an authorial invention that presumably served some important narrative purpose. Xenophon inserted a military reform into the Cyropaedia as a way of presenting a proposal for the restructuring of the Spartan army. When Xenophon wrote the Cyropaedia, the Spartans were struggling desperately to maintain their position in the face of a powerful Boeotian army. The Boeotians could put many more hoplites into the field and had a large cavalry force that they were using to excellent effect. The obvious response on the part of the Spartans was to take whatever measures were necessary to increase the number of men in their phalanx and to assemble a sizeable, highly trained group of horsemen. The programme of military reform enacted by Cyrus in the Cyropaedia produces just this result. If implemented in Sparta, this programme would have involved the wholesale addition of {non-Spartiates} to the Spartan phalanx and the conversion of the Spartan homoioi into an all-cavalry force. Xenophon thus used Cyrus' army in the Cyropaedia to show what a revamped Spartan military might look like. The use of fictional narrative to explore ideas with immediate application to the real world has long been recognized as an integral part of the Cyropaedia. This aspect of the Cyropaedia has in the past been explored largely in regard to Xenophon's thinking about leadership and ethics, but it can and should be extended to include military reform in Sparta.}, Author = {Christesen, Paul}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:54:46 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {47--65}, Title = {Xenophon's "Cyropaedia" and Military Reform in Sparta}, Volume = {126}, Year = {2006}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{cosgrove_melody_2006, Abstract = {It has long been known from the extant ancient Greek musical documents that some composers correlated melodic contour with word accents. Up to now, the evidence of this compositional technique has been judged impressionistically. In this article a statistical method of interpretation through computer simulation is set forth and applied to the musical texts, focusing on the convention of correlating a word's accent with the highest pitch level in the melody for that word: the Pitch Height Rule. The results provide a sounder basis for judging evidence for the operation of this convention in specific pieces and a sharper delineation of its use in the history of ancient Greek music. The 'rule' was used by at least some composers from the late second century {BC} through the second century {AD}, but there is no certainty that it was used before or after this period. In some cases where previous scholars have discovered the rule's operation, statistical analysis casts doubt. Of special interest is the showing that one piece long judged as offering no evidence of the use of the rule probably displays an inversion or parody of the rule for rhetorical-musical effect.}, Author = {Cosgrove, Charles H. and Meyer, Mary C.}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:54:11 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {66--81}, Title = {Melody and Word Accent Relationships in Ancient Greek Musical Documents: The Pitch Height Rule}, Volume = {126}, Year = {2006}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{dmitriev_memnon_2007, Abstract = {This article argues against the traditional dating of the attack of Prusias I of Bithynia on Heraclea Pontica to the 190s, that is to the time before the Apamean settlement (188). The following re-examination of the only surviving literary source to refer directly to this event {(Photius'} excerpts of the history of Heraclea Pontica by Memnon), together with relevant information from several other literary and inscriptional texts, allows us to connect the attack of Prusias with the war between the Bithynian and Pergamene kingdoms, which would then be dated 10 c. 184-183. The other major conclusion presented is that this war had no direct relation to the outcome of the Apamean settlement, as has been the majority opinion.}, Author = {Dmitriev, Sviatoslav}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:53:58 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {133--138}, Title = {Memnon on the Siege of Heraclea Pontica by Prusias I and the War between the Kingdoms of Bithynia and Pergamum}, Volume = {127}, Year = {2007}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{duff_models_2008, Abstract = {This paper examines Plutarch's treatment of education in the Parallel Lives. Beginning with a close reading of Them. 2, it identifies two distinct ways in which Plutarch exploits the education of his subjects: in the first, a subject's attitude to education is used to illustrate a character presented as basically static (a 'static/illustrative' model); in the second, a subject's education is looked at in order to explain his adult character, and education is assumed to affect character (a 'developmental' model). These two models are often associated with two different forms of discourse: anecdotal for the static/illustrative model and analytical for the developmental. The developmental model, furthermore, is closer to Plutarch's thinking in theoretical discussions of character in the Moralia; the static/illustrative model to Plutarch's treatment of character in the Lives more generally, where anecdotal treatments predominate. The coexistence of these two models is probably to be seen as the result of a tension between Plutarch's philosophical thinking and his biographical practice: those few passages in the Lives which assume a developmental model occur in contexts where either Platonic texts or the activity of philosophers are being discussed.}, Author = {Duff, Timothy E.}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:56:16 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {1--26}, Title = {Models of Education in Plutarch}, Volume = {128}, Year = {2008}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{gorman_tryphe_2007, Abstract = {A large number of the most informative fragments of the Hellenistic Greek historians are transmitted by Athenaeus. Unlike the frequently jejune evidence provided by scholiasts, lexicographers and the like, these texts allow us to draw historiographical conclusions about lost writers: on this basis, scholars have posited, for example, the place of a given author in the Hellenistic 'schools' of history. The importance of Athenaeus as a source for history-writing between Xenophon and Diodorus calls for detailed study of the Deipnosophist's method of citing these lost authors. The present article focuses on Athenaeus' testimony concerning the downfall of Archaic Sybaris through luxury and excess in order to show that certain phrases, sentence patterns and even trains of thought can be reliably identified as belonging to Athenaeus rather than the cited authority. This discovery entails surprising results: traditions ascribing the destruction of Sybaris to morally corrosive luxury are late and of little historical value. More generally, the debilitating effects of luxury cannot serve as an exemplum supporting the claim that Hellenistic writers tended to explain historical events through moral causes; apparent evidence for this causal nexus is better assigned to Athenaeus than to the historians he names. In view of these conclusions, a cautious reassessment of all Athenaeus' testimony on fragmentary historians is appropriate.}, Author = {Gorman, Robert J. and Gorman, Vanessa B.}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:54:11 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {38--60}, Title = {The Tryph{\^e} of the Sybarites: A Historiographical Problem in Athenaeus}, Volume = {127}, Year = {2007}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{grethlein_memory_2008, Abstract = {Recently, archaeologists have been focusing on material relics as evidence of a historical consciousness. This article examines the Iliad and the Odyssey from the point of view of this 'archaeology of the past'. Various material objects, ranging from tombs to everyday objects, evoke the past in the epic poems, thereby enriching the narrative and providing reflections on the act of memory. In turn, Homeric evidence sheds new light on the hermeneutics of relics in archaic oral society.}, Author = {Grethlein, Jonas}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:56:41 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {27--51}, Title = {Memory and Material Objects in the Iliad and the Odyssey}, Volume = {128}, Year = {2008}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{hagel_re-evaluating_2008, Abstract = {The four best-preserved aulos pipes unearthed at Pompeii are examined and their original pitches are as far as possible determined by mathematical analysis. It is argued that the scales of the instruments as well as specific details of their mechanism fit well with our knowledge of music from the Roman Imperial period.}, Author = {Hagel, Stefan}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:56:52 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {52--71}, Title = {Re-Evaluating the Pompeii Auloi}, Volume = {128}, Year = {2008}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{lendon_xenophon_2006, Abstract = {The dialogue Xenophon stages at Cyropaedia 3.1.14-31 constitutes a sophisticated theoretical treatment of Greek foreign-policy motivations and methods, and offers an implicit rebuttal to Thucydides' realist theses about foreign relations. Comparison of this passage to the historians and Attic orators suggests that Xenophon was attempting to systematize conventional Greek conceptions: the resulting theoretical system, in which hybris is regarded as the main obstacle to interstate quiet, and control of other states depends not only upon fear but upon superior excellence and the management of reciprocity, is likely to approach closer than Thucydides' theses to mainstream classical Greek thinking about foreign relations.}, Author = {Lendon, J. E.}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:54:46 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {82--98}, Title = {Xenophon and the Alternative to Realist Foreign Policy: "Cyropaedia" 3.1.14-31}, Volume = {126}, Year = {2006}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{ma_chaironeia_2008, Abstract = {This article examines two funerary monuments associated with the battle of Chaironeia in 338: first, the mound, covering a mass cremation, by the Kephissos; second, near the town of Chaironeia, the mass burial surrounded by a stone enclosure and topped by a colossal stone lion. The accepted identifications are confirmed (the mound is that of the Macedonian dead, the lion monument that of Theban dead, in all probability the Sacred Band), and two propositions developed: the mound does not relate to the tactical dispositions of the battle, and hence the generally accepted reconstruction of the battle must be discarded; the lion monument must date to much later than 338. In developing these propositions, I examine material which has been long known, but never considered in depth; I notably present what I believe are the first photographs of some of the osteological material from the mass burial under the lion monument. More generally, the two monuments, located at different points of the battlefield, set up by different actors and at different moments, offer the opportunity for considerations on the different functions of 'memory' surrounding an historical event: the Macedonian mound reflected the needs and self-imagining of the victorious army, imposing a trace in the landscape; the lion monument embeds itself in preexisting topographies, for a more reflective, and more troubled, effect.}, Author = {Ma, John}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:57:05 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {72--91}, Title = {Chaironeia 338: Topographies of Commemoration}, Volume = {128}, Year = {2008}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{naiden_fallacy_2007, Abstract = {Following the lead of Walter Burkert, scholars have believed that the ancient Greeks required that sacrificial animals assent to being killed, or at least appear to assent. The literary evidence for this view, however, is weak, being confined mostly to dramatic scholia and Pythagorean sources, and ample visual evidence suggests an alternate view: the Greeks required that sacrificial animals make some display of vitality that would show that they were fit to present to a god. The Greek practice of inspecting sacrificial animals supports this alternate view.}, Author = {Naiden, F. S.}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:53:58 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {61--73}, Title = {The Fallacy of the Willing Victim}, Volume = {127}, Year = {2007}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{phillips_trauma_2007, Abstract = {This article presents a comprehensive study of the offence of trauma ekpronoias (intentional wounding) in Athenian law. Part I catalogues every occurrence of the words τρα̑υμα and τιτρώσκω in the Attic orators and concludes that the requisite physical element of trauma ek pronoias was the use of a weapon. Part {II} analyses all attested trauma lawsuits and concludes that the requisite mental element of the offence was a bare intent to wound. Part {III} addresses the procedural evidence for trauma ek pronoias and concludes that the action for trauma was a graph{\^e}, not a dik{\^e}. Two appendices discuss the use of the terms trauma and pronoia in Plato's Laws and Aristotle's Rhetoric {(Appendix} A) and a reference to trauma ek pronoias in Lucian's Timon {(Appendix} B).}, Author = {Phillips, David D.}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:54:46 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {74--105}, Title = {"Trauma ek Pronoias" in Athenian Law}, Volume = {127}, Year = {2007}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{revermann_competence_2006, Abstract = {After dismissing various possible approaches to the question of audience competence in fifth- and fourth-century Athens, this article proposes to tackle this important and notorious problem with a novel strategy that is not 'top-down' but 'bottom-up', starting with spectators rather than plays and focusing on the bottom-line of expertise which can be taken to be shared by the majority of audience members. An umbrella-notion of 'theatrical competence' is established before two central characteristics of drama performed in Athens are exploited: the participation of spectators in the citizen-chorus at the Great Dionysia, and the implications for the competence issue of frequent exposure to an art form which is as formally conservative as preserved Attic drama. What emerges is a model of stratified decoding by spectators ({\'e}lite and non-{\'e}1ite) who share a considerable level of theatrical competence. In a final step, this model is applied to a number of case studies taken from fifth-century comedy.}, Author = {Revermann, Martin}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:54:46 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {99--124}, Title = {The Competence of Theatre Audiences in Fifth- and Fourth-Century Athens}, Volume = {126}, Year = {2006}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{rife_burial_2008, Abstract = {This paper discusses the burial of Herodes Atticus as a well-attested case of {\'e}lite identification through mortuary practices. It gives a close reading of Philostratus' account of Herodes' end in c. 179 {(VS} 2.1.15) alongside the evidence of architecture, inscriptions, sculpture, and topography at Marathon, Cephisia and Athens. The intended burial of Herodes and the actual burials of his family on the Attic estates expressed wealth and territorial control, while his preference for Marathon fused personal history with civic history. The Athenian intervention in Herodes' private funeral, which led to his magnificent interment at the Panathenaic Stadium, served as a public reception for a leading citizen and benefactor. Herodes' tomb should be identified with a long foundation on the stadium's east hill that might have formed an eccentric altar-tomb, while an elegant klin{\^e} sarcophagus found nearby might have been his coffin. His epitaph was a traditional distich that stressed through language and poetic allusion his deep ties to Marathon and Rhamnous, his euergetism and his celebrity. Also found here was an altar dedicated to Herodes' the Marathonian hero' with archaizing features {(IG} {II²} 6791). The first and last lines of the text were erased in a deliberate effort to remove his name and probably the name of a relative. A cemetery of ordinary graves developed around Herodes' burial site, but by the 250s these had been disturbed, along with the altar and the sarcophagus. This new synthesis of textual and material sources for the burial of Herodes contributes to a richer understanding of status and antiquarianism in Greek urban society under the Empire. It also examines how the public memory of {\'e}lites was composite and mutable, shifting through separate phases of activity - funeral, hero-cult, defacement, biography - to generate different images of the dead.}, Author = {Rife, Joseph L.}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:57:30 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {92--127}, Title = {The Burial of Herodes Atticus: {\'E}lite Identity, Urban Society, and Public Memory in Roman Greece}, Volume = {128}, Year = {2008}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{schroeder_new_2007, Abstract = {This article argues that the Homeric scholia preserve the title of a lost monograph by the second-century {BC} Alexandrian scholar Aristarchus on the date of Hesiod's life. Apparent references to the contents of this monograph occur in the Homeric as well as the Hesiodic scholia, and demonstrate that Aristarchus compared the works of the two poets and concluded that Hesiod had lived sometime near 700 {BC.}}, Author = {Schroeder, Chad Matthew}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:53:58 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {138--141}, Title = {A New Monograph by Aristarchus?}, Volume = {127}, Year = {2007}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{sourvinou-inwood_reading_2008, Abstract = {Two fragments of a vase by Sophilos are remnants of the earliest extant representation of the myth of the contest between Athena and Poseidon at Athens.}, Author = {Sourvinou-Inwood, Christiane}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:57:45 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {128--131}, Title = {A Reading of Two Fragments of Sophilos}, Volume = {128}, Year = {2008}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{swift_mixed_2006, Abstract = {This article uses evidence drawn from hymenaios and wedding ritual to reach a new interpretation of the third stasimon of the Hippolytos, and its r{\^o}le in the play. There is longstanding contention about whether a second (male) chorus participates in the ode, singing in antiphony with the existing tragic chorus. Even scholars who accept that a second chorus is present have tended to regard it as an aberration which needs to be explained away, rather than a deliberate choice with poetic significance. I discuss the cultural implications of such a chorus, examining our evidence for real-life mixed choruses, and then applying this to the ode itself. The evidence for mixed choruses suggests they are strongly associated with marriage. Looking more closely at the language and imagery of the ode, there are allusions to the topoi of wedding songs and ritual running through it. The ode can use these as a device to trigger deep-rooted responses and associations from the audience, as these motifs are drawn from the cultural tradition which the audience shares. The topoi tie in with the theme of marriage and sexuality within the Hippolytos as a whole. But while their usual purpose is to set up conventional models and ways of thinking, the way they are deployed in the ode in fact serves to undermine these models, and to put a darker spin on the norms of sexual behaviour. This strand of imagery therefore also provides a filter for interpreting Hippolytos' own attitude towards sexuality, and a guide to how we are meant to respond to it.}, Author = {Swift, L. A.}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:54:46 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {125--140}, Title = {Mixed Choruses and Marriage Songs: A New Interpretation of the Third Stasimon of the "Hippolytos"}, Volume = {126}, Year = {2006}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{watts_creating_2007, Abstract = {The Old Academy developed in an unplanned fashion and, as its structure evolved, changes in leadership and institutional culture were mirrored by shifting Academic historical traditions. As the Old Academy became an institution that presented a systematized philosophy, its leadership placed increased emphasis upon traditions about Plato and other Academic leaders that illustrated the power and practical application of this Academic teaching. This suggests a conscious attempt by the scholarchs of the Old Academy to craft a distinctive institutional identity centred as much upon the character and exemplary lifestyle of its leadership as upon its specific doctrinal teaching.}, Author = {Watts, Edward}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:54:11 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {106--122}, Title = {Creating the Academy: Historical Discourse and the Shape of Community in the Old Academy}, Volume = {127}, Year = {2007}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{wilkins_athenaeus_2008, Abstract = {This study concerns navigation in a geographical sense and in the sense of the reader finding a way through a complex text with the help of points of reference. Recent studies in Athenaeus have suggested that he was a more sophisticated writer than the second-hand compiler of Hellenistic comment on classical Greek authors, which has been a dominant view. Building on these studies, this article argues that Athenaeus' approach to his history of ancient dining draws on traditional poetic links between the symposium and the sea, and expands such metaphors with a major interest in place and provenance, which also belongs to the literature of the symposium. Provenance at the same time evokes a theme of imperial thought, that Rome can attract to herself all the good things of the earth that are now under her sway. Good things include foods and the literary heritage of Greece now housed in imperial libraries. Athenaeus deploys themes of navigation ambiguously, to celebrate diversity and to warn against the dangers of luxury. Notorious examples of luxury are presented -the Sybarites and Capuans, for example -but there seem to be oblique warnings to Rome as well. Much clearer censure is reserved for the gastronomic poem of Archestratus of Gela, which surveys the best cities in which to eat certain fish. The Deipnosophists deplore the immorality of the poet and his radical rewriting of their key authors Homer and Plato, while at the same time quoting him extensively for the range of his reference to geography and fish. This commentary on Archestratus is a good example of the Deipnosophists' guidance to the reader, Roman or otherwise, who wishes to 'navigate' the complicated history of the Greek deipnon and symposium.}, Author = {Wilkins, John}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:57:58 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {132--152}, Title = {Athenaeus the Navigator}, Volume = {128}, Year = {2008}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{willi_vooc_2008, Abstract = {After a brief discussion of earlier etymological theories, this article proposes a new analysis of the Greek noun v{\'o}σo{\c c}' disease' as a possessive compound *n-osw-os 'not having *(h₁)osu', the second constituent of which is cognate with Hitt. a{\=a}ssu 'well-being'; just like the latter, Greek v{\'o}σoι are characteristically sent or removed by divinities. Moreover, the reconstruction of an abstract noun *(h₁)osu 'well-being (resulting from divine favour)' can serve as the etymological basis for the somewhat obscure Greek notion of {\'o}σ{\'\i}ƞ, which refers to the state of something that is endowed with such *(h₁)osu; in fact, phraseological parallelisms between texts from various parts of the Greek world as well as ancient Anatolia point to a common conceptual framework behind all these words.}, Author = {Willi, Andreas}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:59:10 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {153--171}, Title = {νόσος and ὁσίη: Etymological and Sociocultural Observations on the Concepts of Disease and Divine (Dis)Favour in Ancient Greece}, Volume = {128}, Year = {2008}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}} @article{wilson_pronomos_2007, Abstract = {Although he was one of the most famous musicians of Classical antiquity, the pipe-player (auletes) Pronomos of Thebes has never attracted serious scholarly attention in his own right. This contribution seeks to address this neglect by attempting to establish a basic chronological framework for his life. In doing so, it introduces a new item of evidence, the inscribed funerary monument of one Potamon of Thebes, a contemporary and colleague of Pronomos in the art of auletike. A close relationship is shown to exist between the epigram on this funerary monument, found in Athens, and that which accompanied the statue on the Theban akropolis, erected in honour of Pronomos.}, Author = {Wilson, Peter}, Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:54:11 +0200}, Journal = {The Journal of Hellenic Studies}, Pages = {141--149}, Title = {Pronomos and Potamon: Two Pipers and Two Epigrams}, Volume = {127}, Year = {2007}, Bdsk-Url-1 = {}}